John Wilkinson’s Interests in Copper (Continued)

 

John Wilkinson’s Interests in Copper (Continued)

1775  Wilkinson’s Steam Engines

1785 The Cornish Metal Co

Shares in Copper Mines

1788 Birmingham Warehouse Company

Copper in Cast Iron

1787-1793 Wilkinson’s Copper Tokens

A Token Profit?

Conclusions

Acknowledgements

Bibliography

1775  Wilkinson’s Steam Engines

One of the first Boulton and Watt steam engines made was the one installed by John Wilkinson at the New Willey Ironworks, Broseley, Shropshire.  Every effort was made to ensure success in order to impress neighbouring ironmasters.  It was custom to outsource the castings for such large machines.  Apparently none of the parts was made at Soho; everything was done at Wilkinson’s works[1].  Watt supervised the erection in early 1776 and was well pleased with the excellence of the workmanship.  This implies that Wilkinson supplied not only the iron castings but also the copper and brass components including boiler, water and steam fittings.  Therefore there must have been a brassfoundry and a coppersmith’s workshop at Willey.  This would not be surprising since Wilkinson already had brassfounding experience at Bersham and Bradley and the equipment needed would be relatively simple.  A year later, Wilkinson also made the components for the ‘inverted’ engine used at New Willey to drive the cannon boring lathe.

Both Boulton and Watt favoured copper as the material for the boilers[2].  It was more easily worked and the craft of the coppersmith had achieved a high degree of perfection suiting the demands of brewers and distillers.  Copper lasted twice as long as iron in service and then had a good scrap value.  When iron was tried as boiler plate, it was found that British material was not good enough.  Russian iron was specified instead.  Wilkinson may have employed coppersmiths to do his local work although, by 1777, the copper boiler components for the Cornish engines were being made by John Freeman and Son of Bristol.  With his experience and his well-known reputation for high quality finish-machined castings, he was the preferred supplier of main components for other engines.

Early in their development of the steam engine business in Cornwall, Boulton and Watt needed more capital than they had available.  Wilkinson offered to subscribe but was not accepted.  This will have proved a benefit later when relations between the engine makers and the Cornish mine owners became very strained.  He still had their good will and confidence.

Mine owners who owed Wilkinson for the cost of casting might have a choice of payment methods.  Some did manage cash, others paid with tons of copper and yet others with shares in their mines.  Alternatively, he took payment in block tin.[3]  Since the mines’ prosperity would, and did, increase when the engines came on stream, he could see a good capital growth potential there. He had shares in Consolidated Mines, United Mines, Poldice, North Downs, Scorrier, Wheal Bussy, Tresaven and Chasewater.  These were generally accepted in lieu of payment for iron castings for machinery. 

There was an agreement that required engine owners to pay a royalty to Boulton and Watt, being one third of their coal savings each year.  The advantage to the owners was that their engines were paid for out of revenue rather than scarce capital.  When the copper prices fell, their profitability suffered and they tried to renegotiate the terms.  Wilkinson was then asked to act as an honest broker. 

1785 The Cornish Metal Co

Cornish miners and Anglesey mine owners needed to set up a joint marketing company for copper together with interested refiners, users and financiers.  This would control the market sensibly and help stop the refiners from forcing prices down by what was known as the ‘ticketing’ system by which refiners made low offers on batches of ore at auction.  With available finance, technical and commercial expertise and negotiating skills,  John Wilkinson was closely involved and a significant force in the successful outcome of the discussions.  It is well described by the late Professor Jack Harris of Liverpool.[4]  He had made an extensive study of papers including the Boulton and Watt Collection in the Birmingham Reference Library and the records of Yorkshire Imperial Metals who had taken over many of the South Wales copper refineries and fabricators involved. 

 At this time, Anglesey copper could be mined cheaply from high grade ore and the mine owners could afford to sell at a lower price than Cornish miners.  Also, while the Anglesey mines had their own small refineries, the Cornish did not and could not afford to set one up in Cornwall or to bring the Welsh coal from Swansea for the purpose.  Besides the miners, many entrepreneurs from the Bristol, Liverpool, London and Birmingham areas were involved because of the need to call for cash to finance stocks of copper while being refined and sold.[5]  Not until metal is made into a product and sold is money realised. Boulton had a strong interest in obtaining copper for his minting operations independently of Thomas Williams’ Anglesey supplies.[6]  John Wilkinson was very interested to see the scheme succeed for the benefit of all concerned, including himself, and to stabilise the price of copper at about £80 per ton for the benefit of the Birmingham metal trade.  Together with Williams, he was very forceful during the talks and obtained the agreement of the many free-thinking Cornish miners.

 In trying to get agreement he was frustrated by the attitudes of some of the prospective participants.  He said to Boulton:

 “For God’s sake, endeavour to infuse a patriotic spirit in those that are to be the acting members in our metal company that the intention of so good an institution for the real interest of the copper trade be not defeated.  There has been such egregarious mismanagement in the conduct of smelting as well as ignorance of it in the mining part that I am inclined to make another effort to save the company.”[7]

 As a result of these effort, Boulton reported:-

“Mr Wilkinson hath acted with great spirit and firmness.  He and Mr Williams have drove the Cornubians, and Bristol men also, before them like sheep, and kept them in a constant fever until all the foundations of our future plans were lay’d.”[8]

 When it came to the initial subscription, Wilkinson led the way by putting down £25,000 immediately and setting an example that gave confidence to all the others.  It was a stock issue guaranteed to pay 8% and part of the capital subscribed was used in a sinking fund to ensure that the interest would be paid, irrespective of the success of the scheme.  Wilkinson offered to smelt one eighth of the copper as part of the bargain, at a charge of 45/- per ton.  This would presumably be carried out either in one of his own furnaces or one owned by Williams. 

 An agreement was later signed by the Cornish Metal Company with five smelting companies including John Freeman and Company of Cornwall, Bristol and South Wales.  Each agreement was aimed at covering all eventualities and had a large number of supplementary clauses to ensure that all were satisfied that they had a fair deal.  Cornwall was to provide 3/5ths of the copper, Anglesey 2/5ths at a price fixed by the Cartel.  At £80, the Cornish could make a living while the Anglesey mines made a useful profit, albeit on a smaller tonnage.  John Vivian was made General Manager of the Company and was responsible for sales negotiations.

 The controlled price obtained by the cartel gave the Cornish miners a better deal than they had previously enjoyed.  Sven eighths of their output had a guaranteed price.  Success was dependant on a steady copper price that was not to be undercut by the Anglesey mine owners.  A separate agreement was made with the Anglesey mine owners who did even better because their production costs were lower.  The main shareholders in Anglesey, besides Williams, were Lord Uxbridge (Marquis of Anglesey), Hughes and Dawes.  Wilkinson soon joined them as a shareholder in companies connected with the Anglesey industries.

 The Company agreed that warehouses should be established to sell the copper where needed in Birmingham, London, Bristol and Liverpool.  Wilkinson and Watt could especially assure users in Birmingham that they would have continuity of supplies at an economic price.

 In 1786 Boulton chaired a meeting of the Cornish Metal Company with Vivian, Williams, Wilkinson, Thomas Harrison (for Lord Uxbridge).  Wilkinson objected to Vivian’s secrecy with the minutes.  Copper prices were fixed at £86 for cake and £88 for shot, this being £4 above 1785 Birmingham average.  Anglesey sold well at that price, Cornwall did not.[9]

 Williams, Wilkinson, Boulton and Vivian met in London during 1788 to re-arrange the Cornish Metal Company stocks and back up Boulton at the Privy Council to secure a national coinage contract.[10]  The monopoly policy was then to keep the price of fabricated copper high while keeping ore prices low so as to maximise profits for the Metal Company members.

 The Company was less successful than expected for a variety of reasons but that is not to say that it was Wilkinson who lost out.  Separate selling arrangements applied at various times to Cornish and Anglesey copper.  Anglesey copper could be produced and sold more cheaply than Cornish at that time and independent sales undercut the Cornish miners, bringing the price down significantly.  The Company was not as successful as hoped in establishing market control.  Dissent was caused in Cornwall and some blame was attached to Vivian, though whether he deserved it is not clear.  However, Wilkinson had sold his iron castings successfully in both Cornwall and Anglesey, had taken shares in mines in Cornwall, mines and manufactures connected with Anglesey, and also warehouses dealing in copper.  He was brokering copper refining capacity and copper stocks.  In addition, he could draw his 8% interest on the Company capital. 

 By 1787, the Company was in crisis.  While the Company price was £80, Williams was selling his surplus at £76 in England or £74 to the East India Company.  There was a private discussion with Boulton and Vivian at ‘The Lawns’ in Broseley before they went to see Williams. 

Vivian and Boulton went to London during the same year to lobby Pitt about introducing copper for coinage and called for Wilkinson to join them.  This attempt to increase the market for copper was not immediately successful.

In October 1787 the copper price had dropped as low as £48/ton and the company was financially embarrassed.  Watt reminded everybody that the Agreement required that the 8% interest payable was based on a fixed price of £78/ton.  This represented a £9/ton cost to the miners that was insupportable at a selling price of £48/ton.  Wilkinson was able to advance £15,000 to the Company advantageously against the security of cash copper at £50/ton whereas the prevailing standard for Cornwall was then £67!  Cornish production rose from 1798 onwards, making up for the gradual decline in output of Anglesey as their ore became depleted.

In 1790, the price for Cornwall was set at £74/ton with a complex agreement originated by Wilkinson for Williams.  The result was that Thomas Williams gained a five year monopoly of selling Cornish Copper.  As part of the deal, Wilkinson had gained a seat on the board of each of many of the Anglesey subsidiaries.  In 1791, Williams raised price further to c£86/ton but then refused to sell in Birmingham due to shortage of copper to meet all markets.  In 1792 the Monopoly arrangement finally collapsed.

Summarising Hamilton’s[11] description of the events, there are several reasons for the short life of the Company. 

The stocks on hand in Cornwall at the inception were greater by far than expected, rapidly tying up the capital invested.

Only 7/8ths of Cornish copper was covered and rather less than that of that from Anglesey. 

 Higher prices stimulated production in both Cornwall and Anglesey. 

Other copper was sold at lower prices.

The sales effort on behalf of the Company did not match that of others selling copper. 

The agreement only involved five of the many South Wales smelters.

Some of the Company Directors had split loyalties.

When the company was wound up, the shareholders regained their money.[12]  The other arrangements that John Wilkinson had had bolted on to the Company structure had probably rewarded his foresight quite usefully.

Shares in Copper Mines

Wilkinson built up a portfolio of shares in Cornish copper mines such as Consolidated Mines, United Mines, Poldice, North Downs, Scorrier, Wheal Bussy, Tresaven and Chasewater.[13]  When these were bought and sold is not clear but the success of some of the mines is included by Symons in his review of Vivian’s evidence in 1799 to the Parliamentary Committee inquiring into the copper mines.[14]  It is noted that many of the adventurers who invested were also equipment suppliers and content to take their profits on what they supplied.  He also mentions the common saying of the time that ‘It is much easier to throw tin into a mine than get it out!’ 

However, in a survey of the profits and losses made by a sample of sixteen of the many Cornish mines in the period 1792 –1798, Symons covers four of the eight mines in which Wilkinson had shares at some time.  Consolidated Mines and United Mines both made a reasonable profit.  North Downs and Tresaven ended up slightly in the red.  This would be regarded as satisfactory.

Sometime around the period of 1790-1805, Wilkinson sold most of his copper shares[15], going liquid in order to invest in more land around his ‘retirement home’ in Castlehead and district.

1788 Birmingham Warehouse Company

In 1788, Wilkinson joined the venture to set up the Birmingham Warehouse Company with the laudable intention of providing the Birmingham industry with steady supplies copper at reasonable prices.  The others involved were Matthew Boulton, James Watt and John Hurd.  A subsidiary motive was to help Williams through a cash flow problem to the extent of £10,000.[16]  The arrangement with Williams was that they could take delivery at advantageous Liverpool or Swansea prices, unlike other warehouses who paid extra for transportation costs.  In the early stages, Williams advised them to buy all they could in advance of a price rise to £84/ton.  By October 1790, John Wilkinson and Matthew Boulton were opting out of the enterprise for various reasons to do with the supply of copper, its price variations and lack of return on their capital.  Copper reserves in Anglesey were getting low and therefore the cost of extraction became higher than that of Cornish ore so their advantage was becoming lost.  In the 1790s Wilkinson continued to invest elsewhere in copper as the prices rose.[17]

Copper in Cast Iron

There are many known benefits to be gained by adding copper to cast iron such as increased strength, toughness and corrosion resistance.[18]  In conventional grey irons, it improves graphitisation and refines the structure.  To be successful, the additions of other elements such as silicon and manganese are controlled.  When this technique was started is not known but there is an early illustration of the use of additions of Boulton’s 1797 ‘Cartwheel’ pennies to melts to achieve good results.  They were a known standard weight of pure copper, easily dissolved and obtained at an economic cost.

Adding ‘Cartwheel’ copper pennies to molten cast iron before pouring.[19]

 

John Wilkinson obtained a patent on 23rd January 1801 claiming to make pig iron equal in quality to any from Russia or Sweden by the addition of manganese.[20]  Since copper additions balance the chilling effect of manganese[21] he may well have used the tokens as his ‘secret ingredient’.  Perhaps an analysis of his cast iron coffin would provide a useful indication.

1787-1793 Wilkinson’s Copper Tokens

Since the Government was not issuing small denomination coins, there was a dire shortage of money to meet demand for wages as spending money for workers who were earning only a very few shillings per week.  At this time Wilkinson employed over a thousand workers.[22]  Silver coins of small value were impracticably minute. Wilkinson had encouraged his friend Thomas Williams to issue his Anglesey tokens for the same practical reason as well as the fact that Williams needed another tonnage market for his copper.  Wilkinson started ordering tokens for himself very shortly afterwards. 

 In 1781, Francis and Samuel Garbett, friends of Boulton, had undertaken an officially commissioned report on shortage of coinage.  Boulton had to wait more than ten years for the contract so turned to other orders such as the Parys Mines token (‘Druids’ – after the effigy on the obverse) and Wilkinson tokens[23] (‘Willeys’ – because of where they were redeemable).

 The tokens all bore the effigy of Wilkinson on the obverse.  One design shows his hair tied back and showing two buttons of his coat.  Some later tokens showed him with extra sets of curls to his wig and with three buttons displayed. 

 The reverse of each token celebrated one or more of his achievements.  Some are:       

The interior of a hammer shop with forgemaster using tongs to support work being struck.

A nude figure of Vulcan seated on a low anvil with hammer raised to strike metal on a higher anvil.  In the background is part of a sailing vessel.

A two masted sailing ship, possibly a Swansea Copper Boat.

Most genuine tokens have been edge rolled with the inscription that covers the towns where the tokens could be redeemed:  ‘WILLEY SNEDSHILL BERSHAM BRADLEY’. 

The Wilkinson obverse was used with many other reverses by different mints to make a wide variety of forgeries or ‘mules’.[24]  Sometimes the obverse was wrongly struck with spellings such as ‘Wilkenson’ and ‘Wilkison’.  The standard classification of tokens of this age is by Dalton and Hamer and there are well over a hundred ‘D&H’ numbers covering Wilkinson token varieties, forgeries and mules. 

 From the start the classification of the tokens was confused, being allocated to Warwickshire.  Since then there have been many articles written covering the topic and it is difficult to know what to believe!  They remain some of the best known and collected examples of tokens and continue to ensure that the branding of himself that John Wilkinson initiated will never be lost.

A Token Profit?

It is not easy to show whether Wilkinson made a profit on issuing his tokens.  To do so it would be necessary to know:

Cost of production

Cost of distribution

Profit on sales

Less redemption costs

Promotional value

The promotional value came from the fact that Wilkinson’s image was on every token, an intentional, useful spin-off.  The number of contemporary forgeries made might have increased his redemption costs. 

 Janet Butler quotes his specification as 36 tokens per pound weight.  This seems to have applied only from 1790.  All of the issues, from 1787 through to 1795, featured Wilkinson's portrait facing right.[25].  Boulton was able to supply the tokens to better reproducibility by striking between dies fitted with a collar that retained the diameter accurately.  They were edge rolled with the legend: ‘WILLEY SNEDSHILL BERSHAM BRADLEY’.  Steam driven presses were used for standard tokens from 1789 and die collars could be used in steam presses from the Autumn of 1790.[26]  Many tons were ordered, initially from Boulton and later from Westwood.

 The 1790 Vulcan token was struck at 15cwt/week from Westwood to a total of 206,000 tokens.  Seeing products from the opposition, Boulton commented to Wilkinson that he should have all tokens struck in collars.  However, on December 11th 1790, Wilkinson complained to Boulton that the halfpence were four in the pound less in number than those which Westwood used to make for him.[27]  In 1791 he was ordering tokens by the ton from both Westwood and Boulton.  The 1792 Vulcan issue numbered 103,000 tokens.  Hancock struck the tokens that have Vulcan in reverse.[28]  If the Westwood tokens were struck without the use of collars it might mean that some tokens without the edge legend ‘WILLEY SNEDSHILL BERSHAM BRADLEY’ are genuine rather than fakes.

 One calculation has been around for some time: [29],[30]

Tokens at 32 to the pound weight,

Value 2/8d[31] against a

Mint contract for striking at 1/11d per pound

Profit 9d /lb,

Return on capital approx. 40% 

 It is not clear where the costings came from but it is very unlikely that anyone, even John Wilkinson, could have got away with making a profit of 40% selling tokens! 

 There were initial plans to issue tokens to the value of one penny but none was officially issued.  Certainly the initial specification was for 32 tokens to the pound but the value would have been 1/4d which would have shown a loss of 5d per pound, equally unlikely. 

token weights

 Collected tokens have been weighed to check conformance to original specification.  While ‘mint’ ones are not available, an effort was made to ensure that the sample tokens were not unduly worn.  There was a check that sufficient detail still remained in the effigy.  If it was not possible to count the number of buttons on Wilkinson’s coat the weight was not included.  The numbers in the boxes are the sample sizes.

copper prices

The top plot shows the price of rolled copper for the years concerned and as it rises, so the token weights decrease. The lower plot shows the weights of other half penny tokens as well as the Wilkinson ones. The brown plot in 1797 shows the weight of the 'Cartwheel' official penny produced by Matthew Bolron's mint.

[1] Dickinson and Jenkins, p44.

[2] Dickinson and Jenkins p236.

[3] Butler.

[4] J R Harris ‘The Copper King’.

[5]  Harris p60.

[6] Selgin Ch2 p27.

[7] Butler.

[8]   Harris p 61 quoting a letter from Boulton to Watt dated 22nd July 1785.

[9] Harris p69.

[10] Harris p88.

[11] Hamilton, p179.

[12] Barton, p38.

[13] Butler.

[14] British Parliamentary Papers.

[15] Butler.

[16] Butler p367.

[17] Butler p367.

[18] Three publications, see: LeMay, Pearce and Copper Development Association Book No 29.

[19] CDA No 29 frontispiece.

[20] Randall, J. Madeley p85.

[21] CDA No 29 p39.

[22] Selgin Ch1 p3.

[23] Harris p88.

[24] ‘Mules’ are tokens struck from dies where the obverse and reverse were not originally intended to match.

[25] Dell, John, Victoria Numismatic Society, http://victoria.tc.ca/Recreation/VNS/wilktoken.htm

[26] Selgin Ch2 p5.

[27] Turner, Wayne.

[28]  Dell, John,  http://victoria.tc.ca/Recreation/VNS/

articles/wilkinson/wilktoken.htm

[29] Turner, Wayne.

[30] http://www.broseley.org.uk/wilkfiles/Wilkinson

%20tokens.htm

[31] Two shillings and eight pence of pre-decimal money, just over half a crown (2/6d), now equivalent to 13p.

Graphs of Token Weights - (Illustration in preparation)

 

This plot shows the average weight of tokens issued for each year. 

The red .. ones are Wilkinson’s,

the green .. are Anglesey tokens and

the mauve .. ones are from Shrewsbury. 

The numbers in the boxes show the sample size.  Clearly the specified weight of each token diminishes with time.  The ‘Willeys’ and ‘Druids’ seem to follow the same trend downwards in weight with others.  What is not clear is the reason.

This augmented chart shows the first data compared with the price of rolled copper for each year.  Obviously the makers are economising on copper well ahead of the rise in price.  For comparison, the brown block .. given for 1797 represents half of the weight of the ‘Cartwheel’ penny produced by Boulton when he eventually obtained the Government contract.  This was based on a fair weight of copper per coin – one ounce for one penny, two ounces for the tuppence.  Boulton was happy with that price despite the much higher cost of the copper so the tokens issued during the 1790-1794 period must have netted quite a profit for either the mint or the customer or both.   

A supportive epigram on John Wilkinson’s Copper Money was published in ‘London Magazine’ in 1787. (see Bell, quoted by Uglow[1] and most other main articles on the tokens.) 

So, Wilkinson, from this example,

Gives of himself a matchless sample!

And bids the Iron monarch pass

Like his own metal wrapt in brass!

Which shows his modesty and sense,

And how, and where he made his pence!

As iron when ‘tis brought in taction,

Collects the copper by attraction.

So, thus, in him, twas very proper

To stamp his brazen face on Copper. 

This commented on the fact that normally only the monarch’s effigy was to be seen on coinage or tokens.  Thomas Williams had used a symbolic druid.  Perhaps it did imply that, besides being an iron master, he was also a Copper King. 

Conclusions

This brief survey of available literature has shown that John Wilkinson took a leading part in the commercial development of the copper industry at a time when Britain was the World’s largest producer.  Some details remain to be clarified.  However: 

♀    He was cash rich as a result of his successful ironmaking activities and provided finance for the industry where good opportunities offered. 

♀    He played a crucial role in the establishment of the Cornish Copper Company for the benefit of all.  At the same time he did secure his own interests.

♀    He established an excellent reputation with the Cornish mine owners so that they called on him to adjudicate in several cases of dispute with refiners and financiers.   

♀    He provided finance for mines, provided a refining service, set up a copper warehouse and traded in the metal for the benefit of Birmingham industry. 

♀    He provided hardware for the copper mines, refineries and fabricators that was fit for purpose.

♀    Copper and brass castings were made at his works as well as iron. 

♀    He helped promote the use of copper for coinage at a time when there was government opposition.  Whilst doing so, he used his own effigy on the obverse that, for coinage, was traditionally reserved for monarchy.

♀    When needed, he came forward to mediate in commercial disputes and to represent the industry in dealings with parliament.

♀    Apart from the use of his profile on the obverse of tokens, he chose not to promote strongly his own activities with the copper industry.  

Most of his ventures were made jointly with others or perhaps it is his joint ventures that have left us with the most comments from those involved.  He could make use of the strengths of his colleagues.  There are instances where he ensured that, while participating fully in such ventures, he nevertheless made arrangements that looked after his particular interests.  These insulated him from possible poor performance of other members of the groups. 

However, it seems that Wilkinson’s financial records are not available.  We can only speculate on the success of his efforts in the copper industry.  From the extent of his involvement over a considerable part of his lifetime we can assume that he was satisfied that most of his efforts were worthwhile. 

During his lifetime he was recognised only as an ironmaster while Thomas Williams was accorded the accolade of ‘Copper King’ by Matthew Boulton.  Wilkinson was a shrewd commercial operator in his own right in many sectors of the copper industry.  He also provided very significant support for Williams and others.  He certainly deserves to be thought of amongst the Kings of the Copper Industry.   

Hopefully this paper fulfils its purpose of highlighting a section of Wilkinson’s many interests that has been hitherto neglected.  With contributions from experts, perhaps it can be updated for the Wilkinson Bicentenary conference in 2008. 

Acknowledgements

Many thanks are due to all those who have helped with material and constructive comments, particularly Neil Clarke, Paul Luter, Hilary Callcut and Andrew Callcut.  Thanks are also due to John Powell at The Coalbrookdale Institute Library of the Ironbridge Gorge Museum Trust for helping with access to the excellent draft thesis on John Wilkinson by the late Janet Butler.  It has also been a great privilege to be able to read the draft of the new, well researched, publication on the life of Wilkinson by Frank Dawson. 

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 Hiley, Edgar N., ‘Brass  Saga’, Earnest Benn Ltd. London, 1957, 164pp. 

 Hope, B. D., ‘A Curious Place: The Industrial History of Amlwch (1550-1950)’, (Wrexham, 1994).

 Hughes, Stephen, ‘Copperopolis: Landscapes of the Early Industrial Period in Swansea’Royal Commision on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales, 2000 358pp  ISBN  1-871184-17-7.

 LeMay, Iain and Schetky, L. McDonald, ‘Copper in Iron and Steel’,  John Wiley & Son, 1982, 423pp.  ISBN 0-471-05913-7.

 Luter, Paul, notes taken from Aris Birmingham Gazette,  private communication.

 McNelis, Sarah, ‘Copper King at War: The Biography of F. Augustus Heinze’, University of Montana Press, 1968, 230pp.

 McQuillan, A. D. & McQuillan M. K., ‘Titanium’, Institute of Metals, 1956.

 Manning, W ‘The Parys and Mona Mines in Anglesey’, The Future of Non-Ferrous Mining in Great Britain and Ireland (1959)., quoted by C J Williams.

 Marcusson, Isaac F., ‘Anaconda’ Dodd, Mead & Co., New York, 1957, 370pp, 57-9380

 Marcusson, Isaac F., ‘Copper Heritage’ The Story of Revere Copper and Brass Inc., Dodd, Mead & Co., New York, 1955 253pp.

 Nash, W. G., ‘The Rio Tinto  Mine – its History and Romance’, Simkin Marshall, London, 1904, 235pp.

 National Library of Wales ‘The Vivian Archive, E66’ (quoted by Symons).

 Pearce, J. G. and Bromage, K. ‘Copper in Cast Iron’, Copper Development Association, 1964, 127pp.

 Percy, John, ‘Metallurgy’ John Murray, London, 1861, 633pp.

 Place, Marion T.  ‘The Copper Kings of Montana’, Landmark Books, New York, 1961, 184pp. Library of Congress No 61-7779.

 Prain, Sir Ronald, ‘Copper in Transition’ Opening address to the Metals Society Conference ‘Copper ‘83’, Amsterdam, 1983.

 Prain, Sir Ronald, ‘Copper, The Anatomy of an Industry’, Mining Journal Books, London, 1975, 298pp.  ISBN 0 900117 07 9.

 Preston, G. W., ‘Copper Through the Ages’, Copper Development Association, 1934, 68pp.

 Randall, John, ‘Broseley and its Surroundings’, Salopian and West Midland Journal, 1879, 328pp.  (available in CD-ROM format from Broseley Local History Society).

 Randall, John, ‘History of Madeley’, 1880, reprinted by Salop County Library, 1975  387pp.  ISBN 0 903802 02 3

 Rees, Ronald, ‘King Copper: South Wales and the Copper Trade 1584-1895’.  University of Wales Press, 2000, 179pp.

 Rennie, J. A., ‘The Scottish People, their Clans, Families and Origins’. Hutchinson, 1960, 351pp.

 Rowlands J., ‘Copper Mountain’, Anglesey Antiquarian Society, 1966, 203pp., reprinted Llangefni, 1981.

 Schmitz, C. J., ‘World Non-Ferrous Metal Production and Prices 1700-1976’.  Frank Cass 1979 425pp.  ISBN 07146 3109 4.

 Selgin, Prof. George,  ‘Good Money: Birmingham Button Makers, the Royal Mint and the Beginnings of Modern Coinage, 1775-1821. Independent Institute, 1957, 2008, 345pp.  ISBN-13: 978-0-472-11631-7. 

 Shoebotham, H Minar ‘Anaconda: Life of Marcus Daly, the Copper King’, Stackpole Co., Pennsylvania 1956  220pp.

 Stevens, H. J., ‘The Copper Handbook’ Vol. V., Horace J Stevens, Michigan, 1904, 882pp.

 Symons, John, ‘The Copper Mines of Cornwall: Property and Profit’, CHN Conference 2002, Worcester, summarising the report of the Parliamentary Committee on the Copper Industry, 1799. 

 Thomas, Emyr, ‘Coalbrookdale and The Darbys’, Sessions Book Trust and Ironbridge Gorge Museum Trust, 1999, 228pp., ISBN 1 85072 217 X.

 Timmins, Samuel, ‘Birmingham and the Midland Hardware District’, Frank Cass & Co., 1866, reprinted 1967, 721pp.

 Toomey, Robert R., ‘Vivian and Sons, 1809-1924’, Garland 1985.

 Trinder, Barrie, ‘The Industrial Revolution in Shropshire’, Phillimore & Co., 1973, 1981, 308pp. ISBN 0 85033 428 4

 Turner, Wayne, ‘John Wilkinson’s Trade Tokens’, J Wilk Soc 1974, 2, 10-12.

 Twigger, R., ‘Inflation: The value of the Pound 1750-1998’, Research Paper 99/20, House of Commons, 23rd Feb 1999 (quoted by Symons)

 Tylecote, R. F. ‘The Prehistory of Metallurgy in The British Isles’, The Institute of Metals, London, 1986, 257pp ISBN 0 904357 72 4.

 Uglow, Jenny, ‘The Lunar Men, The Friends who made the Future’, Faber and Faber, London, 2002, 588pp.  ISBN 0-571-21610-2

 Webster Smith, B. ‘Sixty Centuries of Copper’, Hutchinson & Co., London for Copper Development Association, 1965, 96pp 

 Williams, C. J. ‘Great Orme Mines’, British Mining No 52, Northern Mines Research Group, May 1995, 57pp.  ISBN 0 901450 43 X.

[1] Uglow, p419.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


 

 

 

 

 

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